Joe Biden team should not let Donald Trump empower Taliban in Afghanistan

Joe Biden team should not let Donald Trump empower Taliban in Afghanistan

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Trudy Rubin

As President Trump madly denies defeat by video and tweet, while ignoring a raging pandemic, it’s hard to focus on dangers from abroad.

But, just as Trump is dumping a COVID-19 disaster into President-elect ’s lap, he’s planting mines aimed at shredding Biden’s foreign-policy options, on Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere.

One such mine is Trump’s decision to reduce U.S. troops in Afghanistan from 5,000 to 2,500 just before he leaves office, a move strongly opposed by the military and by former Defense Secretary Mark Esper. As usual, Trump’s decision appears driven by politics — a campaign pledge to end “forever wars” — but is divorced from any strategic thinking.

The withdrawal undermines any slim chance for negotiations between the Afghan government and the Taliban, under a peace plan godfathered by the White House. The last U.S. troops are starting to leave before the Islamists concede anything at all.

Down that road lies the reestablishment of an Islamic emirate that will crush the rights of Afghan women and most Afghans, while likely tolerating the regrowth of al-Qaida and ISIS. To prevent this disaster from occurring on Biden’s watch will require the incoming administration to rethink what “ending forever wars” means.

That slogan, of course, has an attractive ring after two decades of inconclusive wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Yet one has to question whether we are still talking of “war” or of something else.

It is Afghan soldiers who are now taking almost all the casualties while other NATO nations have more forces in the country than the United States does.

Of course, Biden, too, has promised “to end the forever wars.” But ending U.S. involvement doesn’t mean that the threats posed by terrorists in those countries are over. We all recall when President Barack Obama pulled all U.S. troops out of Iraq in 2011 (a plan set in motion by President George W. Bush in 2008). That opened the door for the Taliban caliphate and the return of 5,000 U.S. troops to push them back.

So it makes sense when Biden says he supports smaller U.S. military missions that would work with local troops in Afghanistan to prevent a resurgence of Islamist terrorism. But that raises two important questions:

First, how many troops do you need to convince the bad guys and the region that you are serious, and not ready to quit on a tweet’s notice? Most military experts I’ve asked regard 2,500 troops as too small to do much but protect themselves and other U.S. citizens in Kabul, but say the present 4,500 would be sufficient.

And, second, how do you redefine the mission to adequately describe your purpose? In the case of Afghanistan, says a former U.S. ambassador to Kabul and Baghdad, Ryan Crocker, a small mission providing training and air support to Afghan fighters “is a pretty cheap insurance policy.”

“The Afghans need our support and our NATO partners’ money,” Crocker told me.

Not making light of any U.S. soldier’s death, or of a much-reduced U.S. outlay, a continued U.S. presence is a hedge against the kind of upheaval and instability we saw during the rise of al-Qaida. Millions of refugees fled to Europe, and terrorists gained a foothold from Asia to Africa to Europe.

Many middle-class Afghans, and members of the large Shiite minority, are already thinking of fleeing, Kabul contacts tell me, because they fear a U.S. exit will embolden the hard-line Sunni Taliban to repress or kill them. And no one believes the Taliban will keep al-Qaida or ISIS insurgents in check.

Of course, Biden will be under pressure from progressives not to try to reverse the Trump-scheduled withdrawal, and to bring all troops home. Let diplomats do the job, the argument will go. Aid to Afghan women can continue no matter who’s in charge in Kabul. The Taliban will be more willing to compromise if U.S. troops leave, and Afghanistan’s neighbors can negotiate a peace if the Americans are gone.

Would that these arguments held water. They don’t.

If U.S. troops all leave, or are drawn down so sharply they are seen to be in retreat, NATO forces will leave, too, and the Taliban will have free rein. Under siege, U.S. diplomats will leave, too. No U.S. aid will stop the Taliban from ending schooling for girls and work for women.

Afghanistan’s neighbors, like Pakistan, will support the Taliban. China, which cares not whether Islamists persecute women, will build roads and extract minerals, with payments going to the Taliban.

And an “endless war” will continue, raising security threats that eventually suck the United States back in. So why not invest in an insurance policy and explain the reasons to the U.S. public? No one should want to see a Taliban triumph on Biden’s watch.

Trudy Rubin is a columnist and editorial-board member for the The Philadelphia Inquirer. 

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2020-12-06T00:53:00-06:00December 6th, 2020|Categories: United States|Tags: , , |

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